Sunday, August 10, 2014

Was Immobilization of CHP Strongholds a Determinant Factor in 2014 Presidential Elections?

  At the 2014 Turkish Presidential Elections, The AKP’s candidate Prime Minister Erdogan (%51) decisively beat the CHP-MHP’s joint presidential candidate Ihsanoglu (%39). Following the results, many political columnists blamed CHP for failing to mobilize its supporters to go to ballot boxes.
  I wanted to statistically test these claims. First, I identified the strongholds of AKP and CHP through finding out the top ten cities that the respective parties received the highest support in 2014 local elections (general assembly results).





AKP’s cities were:
Rize
Konya
Malatya
Bingol
Kayseri
Bayburt
Cankiri
Duzce
Sakarya
Gumushane


CHP’s cities were:
Izmir
Mugla
Aydin
Canakkale
Tekirdag
Edirne
Kirklareli
Eskisehir
Istanbul
Hatay



Then, I compared the total participation rate of the electorate in these cities from 2014 local elections to 2014 presidential elections. 

AKP’s strongholds:
Cities
Total Participation in Presidential Elections
Total Participation in Local Elections
Difference (Local-Presidential)
Rize
0.77
0.84
0.08
Konya
0.81
0.90
0.09
Malatya
0.78
0.94
0.16
Bingol
0.75
0.84
0.09
Kayseri
0.82
0.91
0.09
Bayburt
0.79
0.83
0.04
Cankiri
0.78
0.92
0.14
Duzce
0.82
0.89
0.08
Sakarya
0.81
0.91
0.10
Gumushane
0.72
0.89
0.17

CHP’s strongholds:
Cities
Total Participation in Presidential Elections
Total Participation in Local Elections
Difference (Local-Presidential)
Izmir
0.76
0.9076
0.14
Mugla
0.78
0.9092
0.13
Aydin
0.78
0.9091
0.12
Canakkale
0.84
0.8918
0.05
Tekirdag
0.80
0.9024
0.11
Edirne
0.81
0.892
0.08
Kirklareli
0.82
0.9007
0.08
Eskisehir
0.80
0.9048
0.11
Istanbul
0.66
0.9066
0.25
Hatay
0.81
0.8922
0.08

I applied a Two Sample T test to figure out if there is any statistical difference between the participation difference of AKP’s strongholds and participation difference of CHP’s strongholds.



Two-sample T for DIFFAKP vs DIFFCHP

          N    Mean   StDev  SE Mean
DIFFAKP  10  0.1044  0.0408    0.013
DIFFCHP  10  0.1153  0.0542    0.017


Difference = mu (DIFFAKP) - mu (DIFFCHP)
Estimate for difference:  -0.0109
95% CI for difference:  (-0.0560, 0.0341)
T-Test of difference = 0 (vs not =): T-Value = -0.51  P-Value = 0.617  DF = 18
Both use Pooled StDev = 0.0480


At 95% confidence level, there is no significant difference (p=.617) between the groups. Therefore, we can’t statistically claim that the difference of participation rate between local elections and presidential elections in CHP’s strongholds was statistically different than the difference of participation rate in AKP’s strongholds. 

Sources:
2014 Local Election Results - www.hurriyet.com.tr

2014 Presidential Unofficial Results – www.cumhuriyet.com.tr

Salih Yasun 
yasunsalih@gmail.com

Sunday, April 27, 2014

Micro Targeting: The Point That CHP missed in 2014 elections

    
Micro Targeting: The Point That CHP missed in 2014 elections
         For months leading to March 2014 local elections, CHP Istanbul mayoral candidate Mustafa Sarigul built his election campaign on governing Istanbul without making anyone feel “other”. He was implying that he would advocate for the rights of people who did not vote for him, and therefore targeting a certain portion of electorate based on party affiliation.  

          It was just five days before the election when Sarigul announced that all students would utilize public transportation for free, and public transportation would be 50% off for everyone during night hours. The promise mainly targeted low income electorate, most of whom voted for AKP in the previous elections. Yet, five days probably was not long enough for the promises to be even heard by the targeted audience.

          It was clear that CHP treated 2014 local elections as a general election. CHP’s main electorate strategy was to reach swing votes through ideological and party lines. Ideologically, the swing pool that CHP considered included liberals, democrats, and nationalists. CHP reached this line by nominating “imported candidates” from right who could find audience from CHP’s traditional base, and from the swing pool. In party lines, the swing pool included AKP, MHP and undecided voters. CHP worked on party lines by assuring AKP voters that they would not be excluded from services, and encouraging other voters to form alliance among CHP lines.

      The pooling strategy has largely failed, because CHP put too much emphasis on party and ideological lines of the electorate, while these lines were only supposed to form a part of the baseline factors to be considered. As a result, CHP failed to understand the real voting behavior of the electorate.

        CHP needs to build its electorate strategy based on micro targeting, which would cut across traditional categories and assess each member of the electorate in its own term. Basically, micro targeting gathers data about voters from a very large spectrum, including but not limited to demographics, party affiliations, goods purchased, TV programs watched and newspapers read. Than it forms an algorithm, which scores voters based on their own terms. Using the categorization, the election campaign directs its supports and messages towards the right voters.

        A reasonable and simple algorithm could be something like this:
       Voter score = .4*Party and ideological lines + .3*Demographics + .1*Goods purchased per household + .1*Type or newspaper read (supports AKP, opposes AKP, or neutral) + .1*Type of TV programs watched

        With such an algorithm CHP could determine specific electorate groups to target. For instance, there is a woman whose name is Fatma, who is a high school graduate, resides in a middle income area, watches soup operas, has three kids who are going to school and voted for the AKP in the previous elections. Fatma is not likely to be in the labor force and is likely to be worried about her children’s expenses. Campaign strategy towards her should focus on vouchers such as free bus passes that would be advertised through months leading to elections.

     When CHP does not utilize micro targeting and builds most of its electorate campaign on party and ideological lines, its assumed algorithm looks something like this:

      Voter score= .7*Party and ideological lines + .3*Others

      Such an algorithm definitely misses many things, including Fatma’s worries about her children, family income and effectiveness of airing a commercial during 11AM soup opera sessions. As a result, CHP experiences heavy problems with understanding and communicating with the electorate. As CHP leader Kilicdaroglu puts it “They (part of AKP base) do not even listen to us”.  However, it can be the lack of variables in CHP’s assumed algorithm that is assigning people like Fatma heavily on AKP side, which rules out the probability that she can be a swing voter and which fails to find the right strategies to communicate with her.

       The way out of this dead-end is not by moving towards right, but by better understanding and responding to electorate’s demands. CHP’s first post-election strategy must be examining the results box by box according to voter characteristics. Second, CHP needs to utilize micro targeting strategies to understand and communicate with the electorate. CHP needs to rediscover its biggest strengths, which are its social democratic policy approaches that can find large audiences, and that can be tailored specifically to electorate's needs.

Salih Yasun
Cleveland State University Undergraduate Student
yasunsalih@gmail.com


Wednesday, March 26, 2014

Traineeship in European Commission-Is there a Preference Towards EU Applicants?




 European Commission, hires trainees each year all around the world to assist in their offices at Luxembourg and Brussels.

At https://ec.europa.eu/stages/online/cv/application_statistics.cfm?session=81, they publish the statistics of number of applications and trainees.

In October 2013, 18707 applications were submitted, and 684 of them were accepted (3.65%). Among those were 1818 Non-EU applicants, of which 32 were accepted (1.76%).

A Z test can reveal whether if it is statistically significant that selection committee prefers EU citizens over non-EU citizens. The results of the test show that:

Test and CI for Two Proportions

Sample    X      N  Sample p
1        32   1818  0.017602
2       652  16889  0.038605

Difference = p (1) - p (2)
Estimate for difference:  -0.0210032
95% CI for difference:  (-0.0277100, -0.0142965)
Test for difference = 0 (vs not = 0):  Z = -4.53  P-Value = 0.000

Fisher's exact test: P-Value = 0.000


The results conclude that at 95% confidence level, there is overwhelming evidence (p=0.00) to conclude that the selection rate of EU applicants are higher than non EU applicants. The question is whether if this preference is skill based, or if there is positive discrimination towards EU applicants. If there is positive discrimination, it is Commission's responsibility to
mention this in the application process.

Salih Yasun
Cleveland State University

Wednesday, January 15, 2014

Political Scenarios for South Asia’s Future upon US Withdrawal

   

     The US withdrawal from Afghanistan, coupled with the closure of U.S. military base in Kyrgyzstan greatly reduces American influence over Central and South Asia. Therefore the members of the region that benefited from American alliance will have to form further alliances to reach their common goals, such as containing the Taliban and jihadists, and stopping drug trafficking.
     
     Yet the issue of containing the Taliban is not so clear for the most important actor in the region: Pakistan. Before the US involvement, Pakistan was the dominant power in Afghanistan, and used its neighbor as a means to reach its most important foreign policy goal, elimination of India from Kashmir.  Having close ties with Pashtun Taliban, Pakistan used Afghanistan to recruit militia and considered Afghanistan a potential point of retreat during an Indian invasion. As the American invasion toppled the Taliban, Pakistan’s influence in the region has been greatly reduced.
     
     In Afghanistan, the attempts to establish a functioning democracy and a strong central government have failed.  The weak parliament was unable to check the president and his cabinet. The strong presence of the Taliban and war lords limited the central government’s ability to control the nation, making the nation politically unstable. The clashes between competing groups along ethnic and ideological fractures test the country’s cohesiveness. The new government, consisting of mostly non-Pashtun, cooperated with India on many infrastructure projects resulting in increases in Indian soft power. The fear of being encircled by India led Pakistan to support the Taliban in its fight against the Afghan central government even to the extent of jeopardizing American support.
     
     In the post American Afghanistan, the limit of Taliban power will determine the structure of the Afghan government and regional order. Some fears exist that the US withdrawal will result in a total collapse of the Afghan nation. Some vocals of this argument point to the inaction of the world community towards the Syrian governmental collapse as evidence that no nation will bear the costs that might be necessary to help the Afghanistan government to survive. These fears have gained ground as Afghan president Karzai opted for the next Afghan president to sign the pact that would ensure a unit of US troops in Afghanistan, jeopardizing American presence beyond 2014.
   
     In the Syrian case, certain powers, such as Iran, Russia, and China gain strategically from keeping Assad in power despite its meaning the virtual collapse of the country. In the case of Afghanistan, almost all regional and global actors would be greatly harmed by the nation’s collapse. Therefore, even in the absence of American troops, international support for the Afghan government would prevent it from collapsing. In addition, even though Taliban elements want to establish their own rule over Afghanistan, they know that the more active they are, the greater the probability that they will draw more attention and therefore retribution. Therefore, a sudden collapse of the existing Afghan state would not be on the interest of any party, including the Taliban.
   
    One potential scenario for a post 2014 Afghanistan is a continuous fight between the government and the Taliban. The Afghan population, already tired of instability and corruption, would now face an insecure future with much less American presence. The Taliban would convince the population that it succeeded in driving the United States out of Afghanistan; therefore it is powerful to bring security, stability and rule of law. The Taliban would intensify its fight against the central government. The region would face chaos and political instability.
    
    As instability increases, already insufficient inspection over opium growth and border security would dwindle. Therefore, all the neighbors would suffer from increased drug trafficking. The conflict in Afghanistan could spread to neighboring former USSR nations through terrorist organizations. Those countries are vulnerable to a domino effect, as they do not have the economic or military power to prevent the spread of revolutionary-jihadist contagion or manage spillovers of a failed neighbor. The threat would alarm Russia and deepen its involvement in the region. Though Iran has provided limited support to Taliban in order to curb American power in Afghanistan and in the region, the protection of the Shia community and its own border security interests would force to ramp up its involvement against Taliban. China would face the risk of losing out its investments in Afghanistan and the potential of jihadist involvement in Shinjang area. Conflict in Pakistan would be inevitable as many terrorist organizations operate from bases in the country. While contributing to the fight against India, some of these organizations have attacked Pakistani government as well. ISI (Pakistan Secret Service) already declared that home grown Islamic militants are bigger threat to the integrity of the region than India. In addition, due to the presence of terrorist organizations, Pakistan received drone attacks from the United States, and as the US withdraws from Afghanistan, American reliance on Pakistan will decline and the American threats on alliance with Taliban will become even more assertive. Therefore, Pakistan would be harmed by a Taliban exercising power beyond the level of stability. Overall, all the powers in the region have a self interest in containing the power of the Taliban.
  
     Another potential scenario after the withdrawal of American troops is the establishment of a power sharing government in Afghanistan between central government, the Taliban, and war lords. Such a situation is suitable for the internal dimensions of Afghanistan, as geopolitical and ethnic divisions have historically curbed the power of the central government, resulting in a large degree of independence in the local governments. According to a power sharing deal, the central government would remain weak; the Taliban and war lords would be free to exercise power over their own regional domains. As a consequence, Pakistan, assured by the presence of the Taliban, would be less worried of an Indian encirclement and therefore reduce its reflexive support to Taliban in order to focus on its internal security. With less jihadist presence in Kashmir, the Pakistani foreign policy would become more independent over India. The presence of the Taliban in a stable Afghanistan would be welcomed even by its rival India, which has taken important steps to normalize its ties with Pakistan. India’s security would be better enhanced by a certain presence of Taliban in a stable Afghanistan and therefore a less antagonistic Pakistan and less jihadist movement towards Kashmir rather than having more power in an instable Afghanistan. Energized by the eased sanctions and withdrawal of the US troops from the region, Iran would be more likely to expand its soft power in Afghanistan and increase its economic, social and political support to the central government. In addition, Iran would benefit from a stable Afghanistan through the repatriation of Afghan refugees in Iran, improved linkage with Central Asian governments, expanding assistance in combatting drug trafficking, and protection of Shia minority, as it considers itself the guardian of Shia. China would also benefit in this scenario from improved border security, increased soft power and investment opportunities. In order to ensure stability and prove its leadership, China could use its leverage on the Asian Development Bank and private sector to contribute to the economic development.

    
   However, a scenario with a stable but weak central government could have disadvantages as well. The Afghan central government would have limited ability to control drug trafficking and terrorist organizations may grow stronger as there would be little to limit them. The jihadist conflict might exacerbate along the border with the former Soviet states. Yet, the problems of a weak central government can be solved relatively easily compared to problems with instability. Russia could increase its aid to former USSR nations to stop the penetration of jihadists and halt the spread of drugs. Iran and China could tighten their border securities. Pakistan and India could work on a settlement over Kashmir, which would reduce the jihadist intake. Overall, a stable Afghanistan with a power-sharing arrangement between the Taliban, the central government, and war lords makes the challenges of the region more manageable. Therefore, the equilibrium will move towards that direction.

Salih Yasun
Cleveland State University
Undergraduate Student
yasunsalih@gmail.com

Sunday, December 29, 2013

Kant's Categorical Imperative and Turkey's Precious Loneliness

                                           German Philosopher Immanuel Kant, 1724-1804

    A few months ago a high ranked government official of Turkey said “The claim that Turkey has been left alone in the Middle East is not true, and if it is then we should say it is precious loneliness.” He described precious as “worthy or valuable” or “value based”. Accordingly, between realpolitik and a moral based policy approach, Turkey opted for the latter. Therefore, Turkey’s loneliness stem from its insistence on ethics and universal values.

    It is hard to judge “preciousness” from an objective standpoint. Yet we can test the moral standards of Turkey’s foreign policy by using Immanuel Kant’s categorical imperative. In evaluating motivations for an action, Kant argued that the only objective basis for moral value was rationality for good will. He came up with three formulations and argued that immorality occurs when at least one of them is not followed.

    In formulation one, Kant stated “Act only according to that maxim whereby you can at the same time will that it should become a universal law without contradiction.” While aggressively protesting the coup in Egypt, Erdogan hosted Omar Al Bashir, the President of Sudan who orchestrated a coup and committed war crimes according to International Criminal Court.  If Turkey’s maxim is to take stance against military coups, it contradicted itself by hosting an undemocratic leader at the highest level. Therefore, Turkey violated the first formulation.

    In formulation two, Kant stated "Act in such a way that you always treat humanity, whether in your own person or in the person of any other, never simply as a means, but always at the same time as an end." While asking for more religious rights for Muslims in Greece, Turkey did not reopen the Halki Seminary, the main theological school of Eastern Orthodox Christianty. Erdogan explained his decision by saying “Why should we always give? We ask for reciprocity.” By following tit for tat strategy in religious freedom, Turkey treated its Greek minority as a means to reach its own end. Therefore, Turkey violated the second formulation.


   A glimpse into Turkey’s foreign policy revealed that it failed the rationality for good will. Therefore, adherence to value based policies is not a significant reason for its loneliness. The reason for Turkey’s loneliness might have been its foreign policy itself, as it seems to have squeezed itself between realpolitik and a moral based policy approach. As a result, Turkey limited its options and leverage points, therefore diminished its friends.


Salih Yasun
Cleveland State University
Undergraduate Student

Thursday, December 26, 2013

The Potential of a New Alliance in Turkish Politics

  The AKP has been successful in maintaining power by forming an informal alliance of liberals, conservatives, even social democrats and Ataturkists. According to a poll conducted by Metropoll in September and October 2013, 10.4% of AKP base consisted of those who identified themselves as democrats and liberals, and 5.8% social democrats.

   The informal alliance has been supported through the 10% national education threshold, which requires political parties to earn at least 10% of the popular vote to be represented in the parliament. As the AKP became the power house, right wing and liberal parties, such as Democrat Party, Has Party and Motherland Party disappeared from the political scene as they remained out of parliament with disappointing results. The disappearance was not felt much, until a power vacuum arose in the opposition.

   The excessive police force directed by Erdogan during the Gezi protests irritated liberal and social democrat voices among AKP. The case for the closure of prep schools, which are the main financial base for the Gulen movement, alienated the Gulenist base. Erdogan put pressure on judiciary and police to halt the investigation of the 17th December corruption case, which disturbed the separation of powers, further deepening the rifts within nearly all parts of the alliance. The language employed by Erdogan has become harsher and more intolerant, appealing to only a certain proportion of his base. Over the past month, four MPs have resigned from AKP, and three more are expected to resign.

   As the rifts deepen, the question becomes whether the political vacuum within the AKP can be filled by the formation of another party.  If we assume that all the democrats, liberals, and social democrats within AKP would support a new party, it would earn 8.1% of the total vote (based on Metropoll data).  If we add into the picture Gulenists and Ataturkists within AKP, the new party could reach a comfortable 15%, becoming a serious alternative to AKP. Yet several isssues discourage the formation of a new party, such as funding, difficulty to organize a political base around the nation, and uncertainty in Turkish politics. In 2007, right before the election, we observed the collapse of a coalition of liberals and democrats (Motherland and True Path Party), due to power politics. The fear of another collapse might be deterring different voices from coming together.

   10% threshold requires the establishment of a wide coalition, which is risky in its nature and is creating a power vacuum among the alternatives of AKP. If a new formed alliance party can pass the 10% threshold, we may see a coalition in the parliament in opposition of AKP. If the new formed party fails short of 10%, AKP might manage hold in power, but this time losing its pluralism and remaining with even more isolationist and pragmatic approaches.

   Therefore, the fate of 2015 elections might depend on whether a new alliance could pass the 10% threshold.


   Salih Yasun
   Cleveland State University
   Undergradaute Student

Thursday, October 3, 2013

Demokrasi Paketi ve Evrensel Degerler


  Demokrasi paketinin icinde olumsuz bir madde yok. Ancak pakette onemli eksikler, paketin yapisinda da ciddi bir samimiyetsizlik var. 
   Yoneticilerin belkide en onemli gorevi devleti kapsayici bir yapiya sokmaktir. Demokrasi paketi de bu dusunceye bagli olmasada paralel olarak atilmis, risksiz, AKP ve halk icin kazan-kazan stratejisine uygun bir acilimdir. Yani iktidar partisi paketin icerigini kendisi belirleyerek toplumun kendisinden bekledigi gorevlerden yalnizca begendiklerini yerine getirmistir. Ancak simdiye kadar demokrasi adina olumlu, ancak kendi sagligi adina riskli olan bircok konuda tercihini kendi sagligindan yana kullanmistir. Gittikce yok olan basin ozgurlugumuz, protestoculara karsi yapilan korkunc mudahaleler, yargiyi baski altina alma girisimleri buna bazi orneklerdir. Buda gostermektedir ki, iktidar partisi demokrasi paketini evrensel degerlere olan uygunlugundan ziyade, sonuclari kendi cikarlariyla ortustugu icin cikarmistir. Ne ilginctir ki demokrasi adina olumlu olup iktidar partisinin sagligini tehdit edebilecek bircok konu (basin ozgurlugu, secim baraji, gostericilere karsi tolerans) ya paketin disinda tutulmus, yada uzerinden yuzeysel gecilmistir. Bircok grubun haklari paketin disinda kalmistir. Bozuk olan sistemin bir kismi duzeltilmis, onemli bir kismi ise kendi halinde birakilmistir. Demokrasi adina atilmasi gerekilen en onemli adim ise kisisel cikar gozetmeden evrensel ilkelere gore hareket ekmetir. Tum bu eksikliklere ragmen, ozgurluklerin genisletilmesi olumlu bir adimdir. Hic yetmese de evet!